Chapter 6 Excerpt:
CREDIT CARDS ON CAMPUS:
The Social Consequences of Student Credit Dependency
Introduction
On June 8, 1999, the Consumer Federation of America (CFA) convened
a major press conference on student credit card debt at the National
Press Club in Washington, D.C. The program featured leading consumer
advocates, mothers of two college students whose credit card debts
contributed to their recent suicides, and the release of the first
major academic study of student credit card debt that was based
on both in-depth interviews and cross-sectional, survey data. The
highly publicized event was widely reported in the national and
regional media. This is because the previously neglected social
consequences of credit card debt captured the nation’s attention
in front-page newspaper stories, magazine articles, newspaper editorials,
evening television news programs, cable TV interviews, and radio
call-in shows.
Although Americans have become inured to the tremendous
growth of the national debt and economic consequences of corporate
mergers, the newly reported social impacts of student debt struck
a chord in the national consciousness. Most Americans assumed that
college administrators are responsible for providing a safe, nurturing
environment where parents can expect that their children will acquire
the personal skills and professional experiences necessary for a
rewarding future. Instead, it was a national revelation that young
lives were being ruined by credit card debt due to dropping out
of college (misclassified as academic casualties), health problems
(physical and emotional), family conflicts, bankruptcy, job rejections
(due to poor credit histories), loan denials, inability to rent
apartments, professional school rejection, and even suicide. Many
people were aware of anecdotal stories of family members or friends
whose collegiate careers were disrupted or abruptly ended by credit
card debts. However, most had been persuaded by the assurances of
the credit card industry that the problem affected only a small
number of students (3-4 percent) and most of them would suffer only
a minor financial inconvenience after beginning their work careers.
The personal testimonies of parents whose children
committed suicide challenged the benign image of student credit
card debt as a new adolescent rite of passage of the “Just
Do It”-”Shop ‘til You Drop” generation.
Their anguish resonated with the concerns of all Americans who realized
that their own sons and daughters were at risk to the predatory
marketing policies of the credit card industry. Janne O’Donnell
described the despair of her 22 year-old son, a National Merit finalist
and a “letters” major, who succumbed to the temptations
of “easy money:”
“A week before Sean killed himself [we] had
a long talk about his debts and about his future. He told me he
had no idea how to get out of his financial mess and didn’t
see much of a future for himself. He had wanted to got to law
school but didn’t think he could get a loan to pay tuition
because he owed so much on his cards... Sean tried to pay off
his debts. He went through credit counseling but fell further
behind... and moved [from University of Dallas] back home with
us to attend the University of Oklahoma. He was working 2 jobs
while attending OU. Still he couldn’t make ends meet...
By the time he died he had 12 [credit] cards including 1 MasterCard,
2 Visas, Neiman-Marcus, Saks 5th Avenue, Macy’s Marshall
Fields, Conoco, and Discover. How those companies can justify
giving credit to a person making $5.15 an hour is beyond me...
Credit must be based on the applicant’s present income--not
on potential to earn... There simply has to be some limits set
on credit card companies before more students end up in bankruptcy
or dead.”
O’Donnell later described the emotional pain
of making the “hard” decision not to help Sean with
his mounting credit card bills. In previous years, Janne and her
husband had paid some of his debts. In retrospect, however, they
believed that their assistance had actually been a “disservice”
by not “holding him responsible for his debts.” At the
time, Sean expressed his desire to attend graduate school and become
a lawyer. With his younger brother preparing to start college in
the fall, Janne explained that “we thought our money should
be spent paying for Tim’s bachelor’s degree rather than
graduate school for Sean. It was a [difficult] choice of allocating
our [limited] resources.” As Janne pondered this agonizing
dilemma, she related that “I don’t know if it was the
right decision and I do not know if Sean would be here today if
we had paid his bills. It haunts us still.”
Sadly, Janne and her family are regularly reminded
of their personal tragedy due to ongoing debt collection activities.
The aggressive tactics of one particular bill collector continues
to haunt O’Donnell, “He called about Sean’s credit
card debt [a year later]. I left two messages explaining his death
and where to get a copy of his death certificate. I just couldn’t
believe it when I received the third phone call... [This time] he
insisted that I pay [Sean’s] debt. I’ll never forget
[this conversation]... he said to me ‘wouldn’t you want
to honor his memory by paying off his debts.’ I was so angry.
If I had the money, I would have paid them [earlier] and Sean might
be with us today.” As if the O’Donnells need further
reminders of their ordeal, Chase and other credit card companies
still mail “pre-approved” credit card applications in
Sean’s name to their home. And, more instructively, “the
creditors still call but not as often.” See
O’Donnel Web site
To the chagrin of the credit card industry, the national
debate continues to intensify over the seriousness of the student
debt problem and who is ultimately responsible. Criticism of the
industry’s methodologically flawed research (which have been
previously used to soften and systematically underestimates student
credit card debt) elicited a flurry of journalistic and academic
investigations that confirmed many key findings of Manning’s
1999 CFA study. Significantly, the most striking feature of the
ongoing furor over predatory marketing to college and high school
students has been the adamant refusal of the credit card industry
to publicly acknowledge any culpability. In fact, representatives
of the credit card industry have rejected all requests to participate
in national television or radio programs that specifically addressed
the issue of student credit card debt. As CNN reporter Brooks Jackson
concluded the “Headline News” story on the CFA press
conference, he explained that “credit card companies say [that]
most students use credit responsibly but the representatives [of]
Visa, MasterCard, American Express would not go on camera to discuss
this story.” The following week, Visa even withdrew its spokesperson
from an interview on “Good Morning America” which included
O’Donnell and Manning. To the surprise of millions of viewers,
a miffed Diane Sawyer curtly commented that “the credit card
companies, by the way, would not come on our program to talk with
us [about the CFA study].”
For the credit card companies, their initial public
relations strategy was to dismiss the scholarly criticism and its
relevance to the public as unrepresentative of national trends and
the student suicides as anecdotal anomalies. By ignoring the negative
publicity, they gambled on the expectation that the public’s
attention would shift during the summer to baseball pennant races
and family vacations, financed by friendly credit cards--of course.
Instead, the groundswell of opposition to credit card marketing
and lending policies led to mounting public pressures for political
action in the form of federal bills and legislative amendments as
well as the introduction of restrictive marketing bills in at least
nine state legislatures. The most prominent federal response is
HR-3142, the “College Student Credit Card Protection Act,”
which was introduced by U.S. Congresswoman Louise Slaughter (D-NY)
in October 1999 and again in January 2001.
Additionally, student groups, parents and alumni have
intensified pressure on college administrators to ban or restrict
credit card marketing on their campuses. During the academic year
1999-2000, over 400 colleges and universities formulated official
policies against on-campus credit card marketing and nearly 600
other schools are considering similar restrictions. Significantly,
the most effective policies have been instituted by small, liberal
arts colleges where the loss of even a few students has social and
economic repercussions. Conversely, it is large public schools with
their highly profitable student populations where credit card companies
are aggressively directing their energies. This includes the threat
of potential lawsuits against non-cooperative universities, persuasive
tactics of corporate lobbyists, major donations, and of course lucrative
marketing contracts such as the $16 million deal with the University
of Tennessee. The latter has provoked greater public scrutiny of
“exclusive licensing” agreements with colleges that
generate millions of dollars in annual fees.
In addition to the public scrutiny of college administrators
in providing a “safe” environment for their students,
the result has been greater attention to the role of colleges and
universities in promoting complacent attitudes toward personal debt
and the need for effective credit card education/financial literacy
programs. The latter focus is reminiscent of the beer industry’s
“Drink Responsibly” campaign which publicly lauds cautious
attitudes toward alcohol consumption but loathes the impact on its
financial bottom line. Unfortunately, the current business climate
of higher education rewards revenue enhancement programs over instructional
excellence. This explains why many college administrators are willing
to sacrifice the long-term interests of their students and their
own institutional interests for the short-term financial inducements
of the credit card industry.
Go top
PAYING PIZZA HUT BY MASTERCARD
WITH UNIVERSITY LOANS:
Exploring the Survival Strategies of College Students
“One of the most important and underexamined
features of student credit card debt is its dynamic nature. In some
cases, it reflects seasonal variation such as school related expenses
at the beginning of the academic year or holiday gift giving such
as Christmas and Hanukkah. In other cases, it may mirror the exhaustion
of summer savings or the family college ’nest egg’ while
among a smaller number of students it may be due to irregular parental
support payments. Additionally, students may confront family related
economic demands that are satisfied through charges to their credit
cards. Furthermore, as revealed by the following in-depth interviews,
the general assumptions that credit card debt increases incrementally
during college or is unrelated to the changing lifestyle activities
on college campuses belies the contemporary reality of student “survival
strategies.” That is, credit cards are used to bridge financial
gaps in student budgets. However, the availability of credit cards
has profoundly changed a typical student’s consumption patterns.
As a result, credit cards have so profoundly changed the perception
of personal “emergencies” that students of must distinguish
between an on-campus financial “crisis” from an urgent
need at home. Finally, these experiences illuminate the increasingly
important role of college life in shaping the attitudes of future
generations toward credit and debt. These issues are illuminated
by “Jeff” a graduate of the Class of ‘99.
Beginning with his middle-class upbringing in Indiana,
where his father inculcated the Midwestern values of frugality and
debt avoidance, Jeff enrolled at Georgetown University in 1995 with
a commitment to conduct his financial affairs on a cash-only basis.
Initially, he socialized with students like himself--from moderate
income Midwestern families--whom shared similar social backgrounds
and cultural experiences. But, Jeff soon realized that he wanted
to transcend his family background and enjoy the more exciting lifestyle
of his more affluent and urbane friends such as his roommate. At
first, his adherence to the ‘cognitive connect’ (income/resources
dictate level of consumption) made him “stand out” among
his peers. For instance, Jeff’s father always paid restaurant
bills in cash. His motto is, “if you don’t have the
cash then you shouldn’t buy it.” Jeff’s new friends,
however, associated this behavior with the quaint and backward cultural
practices of Depression era farmers. Rare is the situation when
their parents use cash for common financial transactions.
This clash of cultures led Jeff to apply for a credit
card. He received two credit cards his first semester including
a Gold MasterCard. Although Jeff initially obtained his credit cards
for convenience, he was impressed by the favorable response of others
to his Gold credit card, “It made me feel like I had made
it... people treated me different when they saw [the Gold card].”
Jeff acknowledges that this new respect was premature, since he
did not yet have a ‘real’ job, but perceived it as an
early recognition of his future social status as a graduate from
a prestigious university. Significantly, Jeff first began using
his credit cards like cash, paying off the balances at the end of
the month, “Why pay cash. [Afterall] what’s the point
of having a credit card.” His other reason for obtaining credit
cards was for emergencies. Hence, as long as Jeff’s savings
and loans could finance a carefree lifestyle, his credit cards served
as a modern convenience that befitted his status as a student at
an elite, private university. Of course, this situation quickly
changed when his financial resources were exhausted in the fall
of his sophomore year.
As a freshman, Jeff saw his credit cards as his best
friend, an angel of mercy during crisis situations, “At first,
I decided that my credit cards would only accumulate debt in case
of emergencies, such as being stranded in an airport and needing
a [plane] ticket. After a while, I decided that it was okay to charge
necessary things like books and other school related expenses...
Then, after charging for ‘needs,’ it was just so easy...
I decided that it was okay to charge anything I damn well wanted.”
As his debt increased, with 8 new credit cards during his sophomore
year, Jeff became disheartened. Although they enabled him to rebel
against the strict social control of his father, Jeff was now encumbered
with several thousand dollars of debt. Over time, Jeff confounded
his pursuit of personal independence with the rejection of the cultural
ethos of the ‘cognitive connect.’ Afterall, he argued,
consumer debt it is a common--even modern--trend of professionally
successful people and “everyone else I knew was in debt...
and so were many of their parents.” Among his peers, they
rationalized their indolent spending behavior by emphasizing “the
great jobs that we will get [after graduation] that will enable
us to pay off our credit card [debts].”
At the onset of his college career, Jeff’s conservative
Midwest background made him a most unlikely candidate for accumulating
a large credit card debt. However, with tuition over $23,000 per
year at Georgetown University, Jeff quickly exhausted the $40,000
“loan” that his parents saved for his college education.
And, with a combined household income of over $100,000, his financial
aid was primarily limited to student loans. Unlike students at less
costly public colleges, moreover, Jeff was not able to transfer
any of his personal debts into student loans. This is because Jeff’s
student loans paid only a fraction of Georgetown’s tuition
while his duties as an on-campus resident hall advisor (RA) provided
his room and board. Jeff’s family inculcated the importance
of adhering to the ‘cognitive connect’ of consuming
only what could be paid in cash; credit card use was acceptable
only if one had sufficient savings or earnings that “could
back up your purchases.” Initially, Jeff succumbed to the
temptations of credit cards for non-economic reasons. They offer
emotional security in case of personal “emergencies”
and alleviate social status anxiety because “people treat
me so much better when they see my Gold [American Express, MasterCard]
cards.” Jeff’s first credit card was an impulsive response
to a Citibank advertisement “that was hanging on the wall
in the dorm.” The Visa card offered a credit limit of $700
with an introductory rate of 4.9%. By the end of his freshman year,
Jeff had received three credit cards which were used primarily for
entertainment-related activities.
The shift from using credit cards for convenience
to financing an inflated standard of living was a normal extension
of Jeff’s college experience. As he explains, “Everyone
has to take on debt to go to college... everyone is expected to
have student loans... Even in my Midwestern [culture] which emphasizes
that debt is bad, college loans are viewed as good debt... Low interest
rates... High price of college equals high value... [produces] a
greater return on your investment.” By the middle of Jeff’s
sophomore year, he had exhausted his parents’ college “loan.”
At this point, he confronted a profound crossroads in his college
career. Either he fundamentally altered his consumer oriented lifestyle
or abandon his familial attitudes toward debt. Faced with the choice
of losing his more “sophisticated” and urbane friends,
whom view debt as a necessary means to a justifiable end, Jeff easily
accumulated 8 more credit cards in 1997.
The most striking feature of Jeff’s credit card
use is how quickly he abandoned the virtue of frugality as a necessary
means for establishing his own social identity outside of his father’s
strict control. Afterall, the culture of consumption that permeates
collegiate life views saving as a practice of “hicks”
while debt is the “breakfast of champions.” By the end
of his sophomore year, Jeff had accumulated a couple of thousand
dollars in credit card debt. Instead of beginning his junior year
with savings from his summer job, most of Jeff’s earnings
were used to pay off his credit cards. Significantly, as his credit
card balances rose, Jeff received congratulatory letters from credit
card companies extolling his good credit history and raising his
credit limits as a “courtesy to our best customers”
so that he could avoid over limit fees. Although he has never earned
$10,000 in annual income, the deluge of credit card offers obscured
the fragility of his Jeff’s financial circumstances, “with
the constant arrival of new ‘pre-approved’ credit card
applications AND the raising of my credit limits the credit card
companies made it seem like [my level of debt] was okay... When
I started to fall behind, I even received letters that allowed me
to ‘skip a payment’ because the company ‘understood’
that sometimes debts can back-up such as during the holidays.”
It was during this period that Jeff eagerly embraced the marketing
ploys of the credit card industry so that he could accumulate ”miles”
or “points” for frequent flier and consumer gift programs.
More importantly, this practice led to “surfing” or
transferring debt from high to low interest “introductory
rate” credit cards to maximize the benefits.
As Jeff learned to “tread water” by “surfing”
in this period, he learned the next lesson of the credit dependent:
the “credit card shuffle.” That is, paying his credit
card bills with other credit cards through monthly balance transfers
and ‘courtesy checks.’ This acceptance of his new debtor
status was “disheartening... but I rationalized it by telling
myself that everyone else is in debt... Afterall, I’m going
to get a great job and pay it off.” The “good”
or “responsible” credit card debt such as school related
expenses, a personal computer, and work suits was soon overtaken
by entertainment on weekends, restaurant dinners, spring break in
Florida and then London and Canada. With one ten-day vacation costing
over $5,000, “I even charged the passport application fee,”
Jeff found himself on the verge of exhausting his available cash
and credit. Fortunately, the university credit union is willing
to assist students like Jeff whom find themselves “drowning
in credit card debt... most of the people I know that go to the
credit union are getting loans to pay their credit cards.”
Without the option of federally guaranteed student loans to service
his credit card debts, Jeff received a $10,000 loan at a moderate
11.9 percent. This credit union loan essentially “bought some
time” for Jeff before entering the job market--an option not
available to most college students. Not incidentally, a condition
of the loan disbursement was that $3,000 had to be used to pay off
one of his credit cards. The balance of the loan was spent on school
expenses as well as catching up on his other monthly credit card
payments.
During his junior year, Jeff began to engage in riskier
and more creative credit card schemes. For instance, he began receiving
new “Pre-Approved” credit card solicitations and congratulatory
letters announcing that he had “earned” an increase
in his credit limits. He even began receiving letters that encouraged
him to miss a payment, such as during holiday gift-giving seasons,
while lauding his good credit history. These mixed messages are
easy for college students to misinterpret. Indeed, Jeff rationalized
that his accumulating debt was not very serious since the the credit
card companies “made it seem that everything was okay by sending
new applications AND raising existing credit limits.” During
this period, moreover, Jeff became so dependent on ATMs (his parents
never used them) that he did not even think about the transactional
costs ($1.50-$3.00). As cash advances became more frequent, he did
not want to know that the fees and higher interest rates made their
cost comparable to short-term pawnshop loans. Eventually, he “hit
the [financial] wall” when his meager stipend as a residence
hall advisor made it difficult to send even minimum credit card
payments. The $10,000 debt consolidation loan from the university
credit union temporarily averted an economic crisis. But, this proved
to be only a temporary financial “band-aid.” Jeff’s
finances has spiraled out of control.
Ironically, a contributing factor to his financial
crisis was two failed business ventures with his roommate which
were intended to eliminate their debts. The first was a service
to translate resumes of Mexican and other Latin American students
whom were seeking internships or applying to colleges in the United
States. Encouraged by friends seeking their assistance, they purchased
all the necessary office equipment of a high-tech company: computer,
fax machine, cell phones, executive chairs, high quality business
cards and fliers, web site fees, P.O. box, and legal fees for incorporation
in Delaware. After several months without clients and rapidly depreciating
business technology, Jeff and his “partner” opted to
“cut our losses” and terminate the business. Each lost
over $2,500. To add further financial insult, they had to pay additional
legal fees to dissolve their corporation and are still paying the
contract for their listing with an internet “search engine.”
Following this entrepreneurial debacle, they sought
to recoup their losses through the stock market. Instead of becoming
more cautious about debt, “our credit cards allowed us to
get too big for our britches” According to Jeff, “my
roommate found out that his company was going to be bought out.
So, he was convinced that we would make a quick profit if we bought
some stock before [the acquisition]... a sure winner! We each bought
$5,000 worth of stock with cash advances from our credit cards...
with e-trade we even saved on brokers’ commissions... The
company was bought-out alright but then it was cannibalized and
the stock fell... We each lost over $3,000.” When asked why
they pursued such risky ventures while still in school, Jeff responded,
“Because we could! The courtesy checks gave us the opportunity
act on our impulses.”
By the end of Jeff’s junior year, the social
empowerment provided by his 11 bank and 5 retail credit cards had
changed dramatically: they had evolved from friends to foes. The
social “doors” that they had previously “opened”
were now increasingly closed. Jeff recalled that he was “so
concerned about meeting the right people and fitting in with them...
that [he] did not think twice about $50 bar tabs and spending spring
break in London... To think otherwise would have meant certain social
death.” Fortunately, Jeff was forced to confront his situation
after realizing that “I no longer had control over my credit
cards. Now, they controlled me.” The earlier freedom to “act
like an adult” had been replaced with the financial responsibility
of paying for his earlier excesses. Indeed, rather than enjoying
his final year at college, Jeff endured a from of “social
hell” by working full-time while taking a normal course load
and applying/ interviewing for jobs. He works at least 30 hours
per week at two part-time jobs (in addition to his position as a
resident advisor) simply to make the minimum payments on his $20,000
credit card debt and $10,000 debt consolidation loan. Most of his
friends have stopped calling to make plans for the weekend because
he is “shackled to my credit cards... I can’t go out
with them like I used to because I have to work... ultimately, to
pay for the fun that I charged on my credit cards a couple of years
ago.”
Today, Jeff views his credit cards with disdain, “I
hate them.” He is delinquent on many of his accounts and has
threatened to declare bankruptcy unless the banks offer him more
favorable interest rates. Ironically, Jeff’s social odyssey
of the last four years has brought him “full-circle”
in affirming his father’s mantra toward debt: “if you
can’t afford it, don’t buy it.” What angers him
the most about credit card marketing campaigns on campus is that
they extol the benefits of ‘responsible use’ but neglect
to inform impressionable and inexperienced students about their
“downside” such as the impact of poor credit reports
on future loans and even potential employment. This is crucial,
as Jeff explains, because “the credit card industry knows
exactly what it is doing [in encouraging debt] while taking advantage
of students whom are trying to learn how to adjust to living away
from home, often for the first time... Let’s face it, how
can these banks justify giving me 11 credit cards on an annual income
of only $9,000. These include a Gold American Express and several
Platinum Visa cards.”
Although Jeff does not dismiss his financial responsibility,
he states that “I almost feel victimized... giving credit
cards to kids in college is like giving steroids to an athlete.
Are you not going to use them after you get them?” Furthermore,
as a dorm Resident Advisor (RA), Jeff emphasizes that the university
offers an wide range of student informational programs and services
but with one notable exception, “there is nowhere to go for
debt counseling... everything is discussed in Freshman Orientation
or incorporated in Resident Advisor training and residence hall
programs... AIDS, suicide, eating disorders, alcohol, depression,
peer pressure, sex ed, academic pressures, learning handicaps...
all but financial crisis management.”
As Jeff has “gone full circle” in his
attitudes toward credit cards, he is now coping with the unexpected
“pain” of his past credit card excesses. Over $20,000
in credit card debt (plus his $10,000 debt consolidation loan and
over $30,000 in student loans), Jeff has washed ashore from his
“surfing” escapades. Although working two part-time
jobs during his senior year, Jeff is now delinquent on several of
his 16 credit cards. A business major, Jeff is anxiously awaiting
the outcome of his job search. He is optimistic as some of his peers
have already received starting salaries that range from $40,000
to $55,000 per year. In addition, several have received signing
bonuses between $3,000 and $10,000. For Jeff, the latter is especially
important because he plans to use this money to reduce his credit
card debt.
Unfortunately, Jeff’s promising career is encountering
obstacles from an unexpected source--his credit cards. During a
recent interview with a major Wall Street banking firm, Jeff was
asked, “how can we feel comfortable about you managing large
sums of our money when you have had such difficulty in handling
your own [credit card] debts?” Jeff was stunned. It was obvious
that the interviewer had reviewed his credit report--without prior
notification--in evaluating Jeff’s desirability to the firm.
“Can you believe it,” Jeff declared, “they want
an explanation about my personal finances in college and yet they
lost over $120 million last year!”
In their decision not to offer him employment, Jeff
wonders how much was based on his GPA and how much on the “score”
calculated by the consumer credit reporting agency. This is certainly
not a potential consequence that is explained by the credit card
industry when it exclaims, “Build your credit history... you’ll
need [it] later for car, home or other loans.” As Jeff passes
by the MBNA Career Center on campus, which is named after the credit
card company that he owes several thousand dollars, the irony of
his “catch-22” situation is not lost on him, “how
can I pay them back when their credit reports are hurting my chances
of getting a good job!” It is not surprising that growing
numbers of students like Jeff are increasingly using sexual analogies
in describing their unforeseen circumstances, denouncing the predatory
policies of the credit card industry as a form of “financial
rape.”
As Jeff’s experience shows, student financial
strategies are becoming increasingly complex as credit card companies
offer “the [financial] freedom to hang ourselves.” Even
students at expensive private schools are finding ways to transfer
their credit card debt into supplementary loans without the knowledge
of their parents. This increasingly popular practice helps to explain
the wide vacillation in student credit card balances due to infusions
of cash from other sources of loans. In addition, Jeff demonstrates
how access to credit cards can lead to costly and unnecessary purchases
that would not have been considered under the financial constraints
of a fixed student budget. The latter is especially disconcerting.
It reflects the strong influences of escalating peer consumption
pressures as well as sophisticated marketing campaigns that target
the youth culture. One of the most seductive is the Sony advertisement,
“Don’t deny yourself. Indulge with the Sony [Visa] Card
from Citibank... The official currency of playtime,” Or, more
succinctly, the ubiquitous NIKE slogan, “Just Do It.”
CONCLUSION: Paper Or Plastic?
Over the last 25 years, rapidly escalating college
costs and declining financial aid/real wages have forced students
to increasingly rely on credit cards to help pay for their college
educations. This has led to a new trend where credit card debts
are being “revolved” or paid off with federal student
loans or even with private debt consolidation loans. For growing
numbers of students, credit cards are becoming a savior for financing
their educations--especially in public schools. For others, the
initial freedom offered by credit cards may become financial shackles
by the end of their college career. The most unfortunate may find
that their only option for regaining personal control in the “Just
Do It” culture of credit dependency is to withdraw from school
and work full-time in order to pay off their debts. Indeed, official
drop-out rates (attributed to low grades) include growing numbers
of students who are unable to cope with the stress of their debts
and/or part-time jobs for servicing their credit cards. For others,
the reality of their credit card indebtedness may not be realized
until after graduation when prospective employers question their
past financial recklessness.
A key factor in college marketing campaigns is that
adolescence and early adulthood is the formative period for shaping
consumer attitudes (immediate gratification or “cognitive
disconnect”) as well as consumer tastes for specific products
and corporate brand loyalty. This has produced new “cross-marketing”
campaigns where banks join with corporate retailers in marketing
to students through credit card advertisements (American Airlines,
Time Magazine, Wal-Mart, L.L. Bean, Sony). Not surprisingly, the
social pressures of college--especially for students from modest
income families--constitute an ideal setting for manipulating parental
authority conflicts and status anxiety among young, impressionable
students. The ability to acquire credit cards, without parental
consent, is exacerbating family tensions over unapproved behavior
(drinking, sex, drugs, holiday trips, expensive clothes). In fact,
many students with credit cards provided by their parents are acquiring
their own in order to conceal their social, sexual, and consumption
activities. Hence, student credit cards are contributing to heightened
family tensions as well as shielding potential financial responsibility
from the purview of parents/guardians.
A final issue concerns the seduction of college and
university administrators by the credit card industry. This Faustian
pact includes sponsoring school programs, funding student activities,
renting on-campus solicitation tables, and paying “kick backs”
for exclusive marketing agreements such as college or alumni “affinity”
credit cards. As a result, rather than protecting the economic and
educational interests of their students, college administrators
are playing an active and often disingenuous role in promoting the
societal acceptance of consumer debt as well as the prominence of
credit cards in collegiate life. For instance, the use of bank sponsored
“smart” (computer chip) cards as student IDs with “stored
value” features such as the University of Pennsylvania. In
the absence of direct parental guidance, together with a social
environment that promotes immediate gratification (attitudinal disconnect
between cash and credit) and the deferment of economic responsibility
(e.g. student loans), the financial education of American college
students is increasingly being auctioned by universities to the
highest corporate bidders. This suggests that one of the most enduring
lessons of college--often beginning with the first tuition loans--is
the uncritical acceptance of credit dependency. Most likely, it
will help to shape the sharp disjuncture between current discretionary
lifestyle activities and the inability to satisfy future consumption
desires due to the burdens of college indebtedness and modest household
incomes.
See the “Research
Reports” section of this site for research methodology
and full range of student case studies that are the basis of this
chapter.
Return to Table of Contents
Copyright Newtonian Finances Ltd. © 2000-2024 (disclaimer) |
|